For weeks, police have been arriving on faculty campuses from New York to California on the behest of college officers, sweeping pro-Palestinian protests and arresting greater than 2,100 folks. They’ve are available in riot gear, zip-tied college students and hauled them off, and in some high-profile situations, acted violently.

The aggressive crackdown began when Columbia College’s president, Nemat Shafik, summoned New York Police Division officers to campus in mid-April to deliver an finish to the scholar encampment there, in the future after she promised Congress she would quash unauthorized protests and self-discipline college students for antisemitism.

That police intervention briefly dismantled the encampment, and resulted within the arrest of greater than 100 protesters on trespassing costs.

Nevertheless it was additionally a strategic failure on the a part of the college administration. If the college was making an attempt to keep away from disruption, it has ended up inviting it as a substitute.

Within the days since, as help for the protesters has swelled each at Columbia and at a whole lot of faculties throughout the nation, college students have arrange encampments, organized rallies, and in a couple of instances escalated their protests by occupying college buildings. Comparable protests even cropped up in different nations.

In response, different universities have taken Columbia’s lead and cracked down on these protests, which search to finish schools’ investments in companies supporting Israel’s occupation and its ongoing assault on Gaza. Practically 50 universities have known as the authorities to intervene, and college students and school have been overwhelmed, tear gassed, and shot at with rubber bullets by police.

This week, when Columbia escalated its police response, the Columbia Each day Spectator, the scholar newspaper, reported that “officers threw a protester down the steps … and slammed protesters with barricades.” A police officer additionally fired a gun in a campus constructing, and others threatened to arrest scholar journalists.

This will solely be described as a serious overreaction to scholar protests. Nevertheless it additionally didn’t occur in a vacuum. The police response falls squarely in an extended sample of faculties suppressing pro-Palestinian activism and anti-Israel speech — one which dates again many many years. At present, universities aren’t making use of their guidelines equally, singling out just some scholar advocacy as unacceptable campus speech and, in some instances, even altering guidelines to particularly goal these protests. (The Division of Schooling is now reportedly investigating Columbia for anti-Palestinian discrimination.)

Whereas colleges together with Columbia had been fast to name in legislation enforcement, nonetheless, a couple of different colleges have taken another method — with vastly completely different outcomes. Directors at Brown, Northwestern, and several other others negotiated with college students, allowed them to proceed protesting, and even reached offers to finish the encampments by assembly among the protesters’ calls for. Because of this, they’ve prevented the sort of disruption and chaos unfolding at universities that known as the police.

These divergent outcomes amongst colleges that relied on police and people who didn’t supply an vital lesson on how universities ought to handle campus activism, whereas making certain college students’ security and defending speech.

A messy and misguided response to protests

It solely took a day and a half after the primary Columbia encampment was arrange for Shafik to name the police on April 18. In her letter to the NYPD, she wrote that she had “decided that the encampment and associated disruptions pose a transparent and current hazard to the substantial functioning of the College.” Shafik didn’t clarify what risk the encampments truly posed. (Samantha Slater, a spokeswoman for the college, instructed Vox that Columbia wouldn’t supply remark past Shafik’s letter.)

The protest itself was not particularly disruptive — even the police stated protesters had been peaceable. They didn’t get in the way in which of scholars going about their day by day actions, together with attending courses.

In some ways, the demonstration at Columbia was a normal scholar protest: Demonstrators had been elevating consciousness about an issue and asking their college to do one thing about it. Encampments have been used as a protest tactic on faculty campuses for many years, together with lately, like when college students ran divestment campaigns in opposition to fossil fuels.

Within the Nineteen Eighties, when Columbia college students protested in opposition to South African apartheid, with nearly the identical divestment calls for as the present protesters have, they blockaded a campus constructing for 3 weeks. In that case, the varsity got here to an settlement with the scholar protesters moderately than turning to the police to interrupt up the demonstration.

Whereas different campus protests traditionally have led to arrests, few have attracted such an enormous nationwide police response so swiftly. What’s happening now appears just like how colleges responded to anti-war protests within the Nineteen Sixties and ’70s, when colleges, together with Columbia, violently cracked down on college students. And in 1970, the Nationwide Guard infamously shot at protesters at Kent State in Ohio and killed 4 folks. But, as my colleague Nicole Narea wrote, the protests then had been extra aggressive than the encampments on campuses at the moment.

The road between authorized and unlawful protest is commonly clear. College students have a proper to protest in sure campus areas, however occupying a constructing constitutes trespassing. Enforcement of those guidelines, nonetheless, is seldom utilized equally.

In lots of instances, universities have alleged that the protests had been disruptive and pointed to the truth that some Jewish college students felt that the encampments created an unsafe setting for them on campus. Whereas harassment and intimidation might be causes to contain legislation enforcement, the accusations in opposition to these protesters principally targeted on their chants and marketing campaign slogans — and in lots of instances wrongly conflate anti-Israel rhetoric with antisemitism. (It’s price noting that the arrested scholar protesters have largely been charged with trespassing, not harassment or violent acts.)

One of many different issues with what number of universities and officers have responded to pro-Palestinian demonstrations is that they’ve modified their protest guidelines since October 7, in some situations particularly concentrating on Palestinian solidarity teams.

At Columbia, for instance, the college issued onerous protest tips, together with limiting the areas college students are allowed to protest and requiring that demonstrations be registered weeks prematurely. Northwestern College abruptly imposed a ban on erecting tents and different constructions on campus, undermining ongoing protests. Indiana College preemptively modified its guidelines in the future earlier than its college students arrange an encampment by disallowing tents and altering a decades-old rule. And in Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott issued an govt order requiring that public universities change their free speech insurance policies and singled out pro-Palestinian teams that he stated should be disciplined.

Such strikes have solely added gasoline to the protests. In addition they put college students and school at risk, as police have carried out violent arrests. (Why had been there snipers on roofs at Indiana College, anyway?)

It will possibly additionally finally be ineffective; after state troopers arrested college students on the College of Texas, for instance, the Travis County Legal professional’s Workplace dismissed the legal trespassing costs, saying they lacked possible trigger.

Is there a greater response to campus protests?

Not all universities have turned to the police in response to pro-Palestinian protests. People who selected a unique path have seen a lot much less stress than people who did.

Evergreen State School, for instance, agreed to its scholar calls for, promising to divest from companies profiting off human rights violations within the occupied Palestinian territories. College students agreed to finish their encampment in response.

Faculties that didn’t essentially acquiesce to protesters’ calls for took different, non-escalatory steps to quell demonstrations. Brown College, which had final yr known as police to disband protesters, took another method this time round: The college negotiated with protesters, and organizers agreed to clear the encampment earlier this week after the varsity’s governing physique introduced that it’ll maintain a vote on divesting from corporations with ties to Israel later this yr. Northwestern College equally reached a take care of its college students by reestablishing an advisory committee on its investments.

At Michigan State College, President Kevin Guskiewicz visited the scholar encampment himself and talked to the protesters about their issues. He allowed college students to proceed the protest, as long as they utilized for a allow, which the scholars did and the college granted. Because of this, the varsity has prevented the sort of disruptions seen at Columbia and different universities.

There’s a easy approach for universities to deal with these protests: Deal with them like different protests.

Because the American Civil Liberties Union wrote in an open letter to school and college presidents, colleges can announce content-neutral guidelines and implement them — that’s, arrange tips that don’t simply goal sure protests, akin to the continuing pro-Palestinian ones. “The principles should not solely be content material impartial on their face; they need to even be utilized in a content-neutral method. If a college has routinely tolerated violations of its guidelines, and instantly enforces them harshly in a particular context, singling out explicit views for punishment, the truth that the coverage is formally impartial on its face doesn’t make viewpoint-based enforcement permissible,” the ACLU wrote.

At Columbia, the place the aggressive police response began a nationwide sample, it’s onerous to argue that enforcement was impartial from the beginning of the encampment. “Simply think about these college students had been protesting, say, in solidarity with ladies’s protests in Iran,” wrote Zeynep Tufekci, a sociology professor at Princeton and creator of the guide Twitter and Tear Gasoline: The Energy and Fragility of Networked Protest, in a put up on X. “I don’t see how [the] NYPD would have been known as in to arrest them 36 hours into their then small protest.”

As a substitute, Columbia known as legislation enforcement, and now campuses throughout the nation are environments which might be unsafe for college students and school alike. Professional-Israel counterprotesters, for instance, attacked scholar encampments earlier this week on the College of California Los Angeles with pepper spray, picket planks, and fireworks. (Notably, whereas colleges acted swiftly to uproot the encampments, UCLA was an instance of how sluggish they’ve been in truly defending the protesters from violence.)

Finally, the second Shafik known as within the NYPD set the stage for a much more disruptive finish of the semester for colleges nationwide than what the unique protests would have achieved on their very own.

“From the very starting, calling within the police rapidly has been an escalatory dynamic,” Tufekci wrote on X. “It nearly all the time is.”